I think Sepah (Iran's Revolutionary Guards) and Hizbullah probably do want nuclear weapons simply for the prestige and fear they generate--if nothing else. But Israel having nuclear weapons certainly feeds that desire. And Israel's nuclear threat is used by Iran's regime in their effort to rally support.
Getting Israel to sign the non-proliferation treaty could erode what popular support remains in Iran for the brutality exhibited by Sepah and military Basij under Supreme Leader Khameini on behalf of alleged President Ahmadinejad. And since support for them also entails financial support for Hizbollah, Israel should recognize that joining the NPT could help erode financial and popular support for Hizbullah.
If this could also be explained to low income people in Iran who are benefiting from improvements and handouts from the Ahmadinejad administration, despite his mishandling of the economic issues--which has contributed to unemployment and inflation--and if the general public in Iran could see the Israeli bogeyman reduced so that less money seemed to be needed for defense, they might sigh a collective sigh of relief. Iranians have a lot of economic problems at home that need to be dealt with. Friends in Iran (including Muslims) have told me they would prefer that Iran's wealth benefit the citizens of Iran and their quality of life rather than be spent on Islamic hardline militants.
I don't understand Farsi well enough to verify that is what she is saying, so I'm hoping a Farsi speaker will verify it for me. I've been told that rape is against Islam. Will Basiji who are committing these crimes, and the regime allowing or encouraging these crimes, cause a splitting off of Basij who are allegedly moral and interested in social justice? Somebody made this audio recording. And somebody leaked it somehow.
An Iranian friend said Basij don't just beat people, they also help poor people. He told me the Green Movement should help poor people in Iran--but he thinks they won't. The friend, who I'll call "Sean Yahounson", said this in response to an article I wrote proposing ten things the Iranian Green Movement could do to reach out to people in their country.
Sean: It's really nice to give a poor child shoes--and he is going to remember it for all of his lifetime. But I don't know if people will really do it. I tried to collect blankets for Afghani refugees, but we could only collect four.
There are rich people in Iran who could give shoes and blankets. They don't care? Sean: No, they don't care. That's why Iran has so many poor people. The waste food of some of those families could feed like eight poor families, but they throw it into garbage.
I heard that Ahmadinejad gave poor people food before the election, so they voted for him. And mothers don't send children to school with no shoes, so children don't learn and then they are easy to manipulate. Poor people go into Basij. America has lots of problems, but school is free for children, and children have food and shoes. Sean: School is free for children in Iran too, and they give them bread and milk.
Our tour guide in Iran said schools cost a little money. Sean: Even universities are free. I paid $0.
Wow! Sean: But, of course, getting into those universities is hard.
And Basij and Sepah pay good money? Sean: No, they don't pay good money. They pay like $10 per month. And they pay it only to those with higher level, not to everyone. I had many friends there. They were never paid a penny.
You had friends in Basij? Sean: Yep, I can say, like 50.
Why did they join Basij? Sean: Because they believe in it. And when you are in Basij you get helped, not financially, but you have better work opportunities. But none of them joined because of the benefits. They joined because they wanted to
Did you see this video? (A former Basij confesses to election fraud, and he reports the rape of detained children.) Sean: Yes, I did.
What happened to your friends? Are they still in Basij? Sean: Yes, they are sent to different areas of the country to help the poor people, like in transportation, piping systems, or health care. Most of them are still there. I know them because they were my classmates.
So if Green Movement people helped poor people, this would be an alternative to Basij. Sean: Green Movement people won't help poor people.
Why not? Sean: 1- They are selfish and don't spend money on poor people. 2- Helping poor people needs to go to where they live, and because Green people are mostly "classy", they hesitate to go to such places. 3- Poor people are mostly supporters of the government, and Green people won't help government supporters.
But maybe poor people support the regime because the regime helps them. Sean: Well, that's a fact. You help someone when that someone helps you. I've lived around, worked with and talked to both Green people and Basijies--and I know poor people and lived amongst them. And poor people don't support the government because of the ideology. They support because they get supported. Ahmadi spends 10 times more in vilages than he spends in big cities.
So, if people want more freedom and more democracy, they have to help poor people, right? Sean: I agree, because poor people don't care about freedom and democracy, they care about money and support. What kind of freedom does a poor person need? It's stupid.
Well, people need freedom from hunger. You are not free when you are starving. You can not think about much if you are desperate. Sean: Well, poor people don't even think about freedom. They care more about their life. They don't read newspapers, they pack their stuff in newspapers.
One of my friends in Tehran came from a poor background, but he loves poetry and he writes poetry. Rap music originated from poor neighborhoods in the U.S., but they love poetry and stories. And they love freedom to say what they want. A lot of black people in the U.S. were poor, but they fought hard for freedom. Sean: Well, I both have black friends and I had many poor friends in Iran. I don't say they didn't, but they care mostly about money--because they can't eat poetry and survive. They need food. They need healthcare. They need transportation.
So if the Green Movement wants the political support of poor people, they will have to help poor people with food, healthcare and transportation, right? Otherwise the Green Movement will never win. But the election was also fake. If the Green Movement helps poor people, and 90% support the Green Movement, can they still defeat Sepah? Sepah controls all business in Iran. Sean: True. That's again why they don't help poor people. Anyway, they can't get over Sepah. That's why Green Movement is getting weak. Because, what can they do? And don't forget rich people are those who have businesses--and having a business in Iran requires working with Sepah or the government.
Iran now reminds me of the US in 1890's, when Capitalism had no laws regulating it, but Iran is also a little bit like Soviet Union plus Islam. Sean: I think it's different from both. It has a unique environment.
Well, Iran has a really long business history going back thousands of years, and long family histories.
What would your Basij friends think of increasing women's rights? There are some women Basij? Sean: Yes, sure. There are. I knew some.
What were they like? Sean: All of them were wise and smart. They are like normal people.
Were they extra religious? Sean: They just wear hejab. They are religious, but not more than others.
Do you think the Iran government wants to go to war? Some people here in the U.S. are so scared of them getting nuclear bombs. Sean: I dont know. I think they are observing how the world is treating them.
In some ways, Basij and Southern U.S. Christian military people sound similar. Christians also worry about poor people, and a lot of U.S. soldiers come from religious families. In some ways Iran and US seem completely different, but some things remind me of each other. Sean: I think they are completely different, because Basij is not only those in street--they are military basijis. We also have Basiji doctors, Basiji nurses, Basiji engeeners, Basiji teachers, Basiji students, Basiji farmers--Basiji whatever you think. Why didn't you join Basij? Sean: Because I didn't believe in it.
Is Basij belief basically Islam plus nationalism--or something else too? Sean: I can say their first goal is to bring justice and help poor people, and then Islam and nationalism.
Then, when Basij were told to beat everyone in the street, young and old, Green or not, after the election on some days--if they really believed in justice, it must have been hard for them. Maybe there are a lot of basij who feel bad now? Sean: Well, as I told you they were military Basijs. They don't call doctor Basijies to do street jobs. And also the government says these are the rich people, and labels Green people as "rich people who are abondoning justice".
Basijs invaded hospitals and took out protesters who were being treated. I wonder if Basij doctors were treating protesters. Sean: I think a doctor treats everyone because they promise to do so even to enemies.
Are you religious? Sean: I am extremely religious.
Well, you seem to care about justice and poor people, and you are religious. But are you Shia? Sean: No. I have my own religion.
Kheyli khub! (Very good!) What do you believe? Sean: Pyramids of material level, living level, souls, "gods of souls", "gods of gods of souls"--and this pyramid has unknown levels. And on top where all gods collide, there is a point which I say is The Power of the Universe. This is the ideology, basically.
If your religion has a pyramid in it, is it influenced at all by Egyptian religion or by Freemasons? Sean: No, it's my own religion. Freemasons are thinking like me, but not totally.
How are they different? Sean: They just recognize seven levels of the pyramids, and they recognize the soul level as the "god".
What do you believe happens after people's bodies die? Sean: It dissapears in the pyramid, the body goes to a lower level of material level, and the mind, which is the lower contactor of the upper level soul, goes up to one level, to the soul level.
How do you practice your religion? Sean: It's super hard, but it depends how religious you want to be. It's super hard for me because I am super religious. Like, I don't eat meat for ten days. I don't eat anything but fruits for four days.
That is hard to do in Iran! (They eat a lot of meat.) Sean: I am not in Iran anymore, I am in California…and to help anyone you can, wisely! And when I don't eat meat, I buy food for someone else who deserves it.
Are you still friends with people in Basij? Sean: I don't see them because I am not in Iran, they were my classmates.
I wonder what they think about you going to the U.S.? Sean: I don't know.
Was it a culture shock coming to the U.S., or was it easy to get used to? Sean: It was worse than what I had imagined. Way worse. But no cultural shock.
Worse in what way? Sean: In their life, in their structure, in their beliefs, in their society. They are going to collapse so soon.
The U.S. is going to collapse? Sean: I mean in 50 years! Sure.
What will cause the collapse? Sean: The fake feeling of happiness the materialism is injecting into the people.
I think Iran has a culture of sadness and beauty. In America everyone is supposed to be happy all the time. Sean: You are happy when you have money in the U.S. And when the economy collapse, you no longer recieve happiness and respect, and you become aware of the fake situation that exists. And half of the country is poor and receives no respect and this half is extending.
I think there is more social mobility here than in some countries. Poor people come here from other countries and make money. Sean: But they are considered poor here, I am talking domestically. Poor people are increasing. I truly see a collapse, I guarantee it.
Poor people are increasing partly because U.S. tax laws currently favor super rich people. Sean: It's one reason.
by Julie Jigsawnovich An Iranian friend asked me, "What do you think is the best method to get the Green Movement's aims across? The outreach is to get less well-off people in Iran to support the movement. If they do, we will succeed". I answered:
1. Give children's shoes to poor people.kafsh-e bachche be mardom faqir dahid. 2. Volunteer to teach people to read.mardom khaandan aamuzesh daad. 3. Volunteer in health clinics.dar darmangah ha nirooye davtalab begirid. 4. Volunteer in shelters for people at risk.dar panaahgah ha baraye mardom nirooye davtalab begirid. Charity work matters a lot. Some mothers in Iran don't send their children to school because they don't have money to buy shoes for their children. And some mothers enroll their children in religious schools because they don't have enough money for other schools. Basij recruits are often from poor neighborhoods. There seems to be a lot of class snobbery in Iran. Maybe poor people are frustrated, and think the only way they can enjoy a reasonable standard of living is if they work for the security forces. Show them alternatives. Show how the Green Movement would improve their education, etc. for a better life--so they don't have to brutalize their fellow Iranians as their job. Another Iranian friend pointed out that, "Ahmadinejad gave poor people some foods and fruits before the election--then they submited their vote for him".
5. Show a plan for how the Green Movement would manage the resources and economy better.tarhi baraye inke chetor jonbeshe sabz betavanad eghtesad ra edare konad erae dahid.
6.Show people how they could make more money if trade sanctions were removed and normal trade relations established. be mardom neshan dahid ke agar tahrim ha bardashte shavad chegoone mitavanand poole bishtary be dast aavarand. 7. Show that Green Movement is againstIsrael building on East Jerusalem. That's a big selling point for the regime to attract the attention of Muslims. And they are correct on that point, anyway. It's not a radical position. Israel should not be building on Palestinian land. It's illegal and it must stop--even the chief of the United Nations said that.
8. Show Muslims and secular people working together and respecting each other. neshan dahid ke mardome secular va mardome mosalman mitavanand dar kenare ham zendegi konand va be yekdigar ehteram begzarand. Have secular Green Movement talk about the beauty of mosque architecture. Find Muslims living in secular countries who lead happy lives, do good works and practice their religion--and have them talk about what it is like for them living in a country with no Sharia laws.
9. Show people that the Green Movement is proud of Iranian history, and Eastern culture. be mardom neshan dahid ke jonbeshe sabz eftekhare tarikhe iranian va farhange shargh ast. And bring up the fact that the great Iranian leader Soroush (Cyrus) wrote the first human rights document, allowed people of different religions to practice their religions, and he freed slaves.
10. Show how laws must be reformed so that women's rights increase. neshan dahid ke chegoone ghavanin bayad dobare tadvin shavand agar hoghooghe zanaan bishtar shavad. Show which laws the Green Movement wants to reform so that women have more freedom not only in terms of what they choose to wear, but whether they want their children to live with them after a divorce, how much their testimony counts in court, whether they can be exonerated if they kill someone in self-defense, and whether they have access to abortion and to the morning after pill--at minimum in the case of rape. Address employment discrimination against women. There are more female college graduates than male, but fewer of them are hired. Plus, I've heard there are 100,000 prostitutes in Tehran, maybe more in Qom. Show them how the Green Movement could create opportunities for better jobs.
UPDATE: My friend Dalir said, "I'm all for the aforementioned ideas on how The Green Movement can reach Iranians. I would add: an overhaul of the judicial system, invest in education, technology (non-military), agriculture and medical related issues."
“Sayyed” is a member of the Basij, Iran’s religious militia. Now living in the UK, he has spoken to Channel 4 News about his role during this year’s presidential elections. We are disguising his identity.
Election orders
“In truth the orders didn’t come after the election. The orders for all that you witnessed came before the election.
“We were prepared. But we didn’t ever imagine that people’s actions would be so great. We had received orders regarding student activities.
“From three or four months before the election we had attended classes on ideological and political thought and crowd control.
“We knew what we had to do but nothing prepared us for what we saw. There were severe clashes in the first few days, and so new orders were given for forthcoming days.” (article continues below)
Religious dilemma “I’m in complete turmoil all the time. I spent more than twenty years raised like this, and before me a household of martyrs. I keep thinking, which is right? What I’ve chosen now, or the path they’ve taken.
“Our family is no small undertaking. It has many martyrs. My uncle was martyred with Mr D, Mr AHD.
“We are a prominent religious family – always there on the frontline, always with memories of war, frontline and revolution. Since these events I keep thinking, who is right?”
Election build-up “From three or four months before I had a social undertaking, preparing to see how people would encounter the elections, the level of attendance – would it be well received, do they believe in it, do they think something could still be done?
“It was going well even though they spoke of Khatami (reformist former president) coming, and then he wasn’t coming. All this created excitement. People came with genuine enthusiasm.
“We got various statistics and analysed them. We wanted to get an idea of what the mode of clashes would be.
“When the campaigns began the excitement reached a new height.
“We had received orders a matter of months before that there is jurisprudence, that there is the jurisprudence of the Imam Zaman, (the 13th Imam, who is expected to return like a Messiah) whose incarnation is Ayatollah Khamenei, and that he had announced that for the advancement and development of Islam and the development of the revolution no-one could be more effective than Mr. Ahmadinejad.
“Therefore the order came that Mr Khamenei has him in mind, that Mr Khamenei has Mr Ahmadinejad in mind for the presidency and so he must be announced as the winner.
“It’s he who is best suited to this revolution, order and Velayat Faqih (Iranian system of Islamic jurisdiction)” (article continues below)
“Scary and horrifying” “I was extremely taken aback. How can I explain? This is someone who I couldn’t even entertain a conflicting thought against.
“It was truly a scary and horrifying scenario to go against wishes or opinion, especially if that opinion belongs to the Supreme Leader or that of the Velayat Faqih, for you to express a personal opinion.
“It was a terrible situation. On the one side I saw the people and on the other there was the order.”
Ballot box fraud “The answers to your questions go back to before the elections. In the private meeting we had for those responsible for the ballot boxes, including my brother and me, it was made clear.
“The orders were announced as to how everything would be conducted on the day of the election. We were among those responsible for the ballot boxes.”
Role of the Basij “I don’t know how much you know about the Basij but it is an extremely vast organ, much more extensive than you would imagine.
“Although you may think that it is without formal organisation, it is in fact very precise and extremely organised with sophisticated planning and everything is specified.
“When an order is received, or when the Supreme Leader has announced his opinion, well, Mr D is the spokesman of the leader and we are Mr D’s spokespeople.
“The foundations of Islam and the foundations of Shi’ism and Velayat are such that we have accepted the Velayat. When the Velayat has an opinion, everyone’s opinion must follow, because if it’s outside of this there is no place for you. You’re an outsider.
“He [Khamenei] makes his announcement and Mr D translates this in the form of advice and discussion.
“Everything has a hierarchy. It doesn’t call for Mr Khamenei to come and directly make an announcement to the soldiers, when I say soldier, I, or we, saw ourselves as soldiers of the Imam Zaman.
“He doesn’t need to come and make his announcement to the forces directly, he expresses his opinion and according to the hierarchical system, the news will reach those who need to hear it.
“Mr D’s opinion is an absolute obedience of the Supreme Leader. We’ve been told this in meetings.
“In the private meeting I mentioned to you, the commanders of the Sepah (Revolutionary Guard) were present as well as those of various Basij units from different areas.
“It was imperative to have the leader’s vision, and it was announced then that his vision is this, that he elects Ahmadinejad.”
Election fraud “For us who were responsible for the ballot boxes the order was this: that Aqa’s [Khamenei's] wish is for Ahmadinejad to win.
“For illiterate people and those not able to complete their ballots, you must do so for them and complete them accordingly (for Ahmadinejad), no matter who their vote was intended for.
“Same with blank votes. In the counting the blank votes wouldn’t be announced as void.
“They [the illiterate] were generally made up of elderly men and women – and they are great believers in the mosque community and religious matters and areas where there is a lower literacy rate like the villages or areas of the big cities.”
Youth vote suppressed “Our problem was the young people and university students, we had prepared for the others.
“Well they [the students] weren’t around for the count. When they left, how can I say, I’m very ashamed now, but they just came up to the box and then left.
“After the voting was over it was only us who were there. We were honest in that the command was followed.
“When the voting was over, the boxes were opened, but not all of them.
“A few were opened and counted, then we received another order to send the boxes to the main centre.”
Stopping the protests “Because a reaction was expected, we had been ordered from before the election for all security forces to be ready for the following day.
“They told us to come early for group prayers. We went along with others who’d been invited. Prayers took place. This was followed by a short speech confirming Mr Ahmadinejad’s victory and the congratulations in order.
“Sweets and pastries were offered and the forces were organised into two shifts.
“There were areas that had been previously noted as problem areas – we called them the red points – where security presence was essential.
“These were announced, the shifts were determined and everyone was deployed. It was early.
“We had set out very early before anyone could get started. Everyone took their positions and were armed.
“The command was that we were to prevent any gathering of people to take shape. Violent suppression “Any hint of protest was to be firmly supressed." If anything occured, to attack.
“Attacking people meant nothing. As I told you, anyone who thought differently to Ayatollah Khamenei and outside of the Velayat Faqih was considered an outsider.
“Therefore his protest has no place, therefore his opinion and protest is meaningless.
“It was simple. It was not for us to think anything of them – both voters and protesters.
“In our view, it was not a protest against the issue but a protest against Ayatollah Khamenei himself.
“And it’s just not comprehensible to us that someone should want to question him. He is our guide.”
Controlling the city “On that day in this area there were batons, and cables that coil and extend easily. If it attaches to someone’s hand and you pull it you can do serious harm.
“Sprays like pepper sprays. Some were given handcuffs. Yes, we went prepared.
“Everything went according to plan because everything had been thought through.
“The vehicles came on time, breakfast, prayers, all on time. The city was under our control.”
“Unprecedented” clashes “Because I had been in charge at the polling station the night before, I was on the afternoon shift. I went home to rest and then came back in the afternoon.
“When I came back I couldn’t believe what I was seeing. I never thought. It was unbelievable. The level of clashes was severe.
“This was unprecedented. I had witnessed attacks before but never at this level. People wouldn’t stay back, they couldn’t be suppressed and we were really in trouble.
“As I said, I had issues with everything that had unfolded and was confused. I really didn’t want to get involved. But I had to be there. I didn’t have the right to say I didn’t want to be there. My physical presence was required.
“The clashes were very heavy. The forces were seriously involved and the people wouldn’t give in or retreat in any way. There was no end in sight.
“They would be dispersed then gather again and come back. They were standing up to us.
“I wasn’t one of the ordinary forces to have to involve myself in the situation. I could have, but I also had the choice not to.
“People like me who were supervising and observing and reporting back could just stand there. I stood there silently by my colleagues.
“As I talk to you now everything comes back to me. It’s very hard. I still can’t fathom it all. Why did it have to be like this?”
Permission to shoot “The first day was very hard for us. When we all got back to the base that night, the commanders gave their reports from the various areas of the city.
“We were told that there would be new orders for the following days. The order came to attack everyone without restraint or mercy regardless of age. Anyone who was in disagreement.
“It was made clear, there was to be no difference between child or adult, men and women. Proper attack, without warning, or any discussion.
“This was very strange to me. Everything was surreal. This was not trivial.
“We had permission to shoot. We were all to be armed. We were supposed to support the police and security forces.
“The next day it seemed that people like us were prepared. They were ready too, and there were more of them. Just as we were prepared, they were too.”
“Watch people die” “On the second day, I don’t know how to say it, it’s so painful to me, talking about it is hard, the memory of it is awful…the wounded, and those who died.
“It’s really hard to stand there and watch people die. I had to stand there. I had no choice.
“No [I did not kill anyone], I only accompanied others. I was trying not to get involved at all.
“They had prepared a hospital for the wounded and dead. It was a Basij hospital. It was very hard. If there was an issue with killing, it was explained that the killing was for a cause and was a good deed.
“I saw one person killed on the street but in the hospital there were many many more than was seen on the streets – from all parts of the city.
“Because the directive had been given, permission had been granted. It was intolerable.”
Unspeakable things “It’s from then that things got even worse. We were all strangers. Orders and commands were followed. Clashes took every shape and form.
“How can I say. some of the things are unspeakable. I can’t mentally and ideologically fathom what’s happened.
“In the clashes, anyone who was wounded would be arrested. If they couldn’t catch them they’d get someone else. They would arrest anyone they could.
“It made no difference who it was. Wounded, not wounded. If they were activists, all the better. Young children, young adults.
“The treatment of them – the mode of attack and length of attack on them left me in shock.”
Arrest orders “The command was to arrest as many 12-18 year olds as possible and bring them back.
“This group caused the most trouble so the idea was not to give them any opportunity to congregate. Many were arrested.
“Again, several locations had been prepared to take them and keep them there.
“The night I was there, I followed my brother there. I hadn’t seen him for several days as we’d been caught up in everything. I have a lot of respect for him and love him dearly.
“Since we were children we’ve always done everything together. We’re like twins. He said, I’ll be there tonight. Come there and we’ll go home together.
Sound of screams “They had some containers ready. They had arrested some youngsters and were asking them their age and were separating them accordingly.
“Over 18s went into to one container and the under 18s into the several other containers. The number of children under the age of 18 was greater. They filled three or four containers of some 25 people in each.
“I saw all this and passed them on my way into the main courtyard building to see my relative. I greeted him and other friends.
“Then we heard noise from the yard. We thought it must be the youngsters making trouble. We went there and saw there was no-one, just the forces. The sound came from the containers.
“The sound of screams and pleading and crying. We didn’t understand what was going on.
“They were pleading: ‘We’re sorry, please, we regret our actions’. Or screams, or crying. We were confused. I couldn’t believe that they would want to do such a thing: to rape.”
Sexual violence “This is such a heavy burden, my head hurts. But you’re a woman. I’m sure you understand. Can you give me some time?
“It’s as if it’s replaying in front of me.
“The faces, the screams are with me every moment. It’s not something you can forget or separate yourself from.
“They were pleading, they were crying, they wanted help, but my brother is a more senior authority than me. We went to see what was happening.
“There were two men of the Sepah and they came forward as we approached.
“We asked what all the noise was about. They said “Nothing, this is Fath ol Moin (aid to victory).
“We said: ‘What do you mean, what are you doing? Who’s in there?’
“Because they were Basij from the provinces we didn’t know them. We asked: ‘What’s happening, why are they crying?’
“As we pursued the matter the confrontation got worse and they said ‘You have no right to enter.’ My relative said: ‘What do you mean? I’m one of the leaders here. You can’t tell me I have no right.’
“And it really was so, but they didn’t allow us entry. We were all responsible and we clashed. After a few minutes a vehicle came into the courtyard.
“Someone must have alerted the others that we were trying to prevent them from achieving what they set out to do, the Fath ol Moin.
“They had come for us to prevent the scene from deteriorating. They said our superior had summoned us.
“They said: ‘Let’s go. He wants to speak to you.’ When we got there he was visibly furious, very frustrated. He didn’t speak.
“They said: “Let’s go. Haji wants to speak to you.” My relative was furious and very frustrated.
“He was very angry. When we got there he said: ‘What is this? Sexual abuse is a serious crime. Who gave this order? Who authorised this?
“Haji calmly replied with a smile: ‘This is Fath Al Moin. It’s a worthy deed. There’s nothing wrong with it. Why are you complaining?’
“When he said this Haji thought it would calm my relative down to know this. But the opposite happened, he became more upset. He raised his voice saying: ‘What do you mean it’s not a crime?’
“What do you mean it’s not a recognised crime? That it’s a good deed? Haji saw that he had lost control and said: ‘What’s the big deal? Nothing’s happened. What is the issue here?’
“My relative said again: ‘What do you mean what’s the big deal? Is there anything more filthy than this, more ugly than this? With children, these are children, they haven’t done anything. They’re from our own home town.’
“Haji saw that he couldn’t control him, that he wanted to return to the base and stop what was going on.
“He said: ‘You can stay here for now. Tomorrow we’ll have a meeting about it, we can discuss it and see what the issue is.’
“I insisted on staying with him. But Haji said: ‘You go and rest and we’ll get him home. You go, the driver will take you home and wait there. We’ll call you.’
“They dropped me home and my relative stayed there.”
Pain and shame “The pain and the shame in front of people and before God. I’ve lost my world and my religion.
“I never thought that these matters could be contaminated like this.
“I thought that I was continuing the path of my uncles and our martyrs. All my interest and enthusiasm: to have the integrity for martyrdom.
“We really saw ourselves as upstanding and separate from others. We really believed that what we did was correct, that we were serving the people, that we were serving God and that our mission was nothing but worshipping God.
“But now I am ashamed in front of people, even say that I was mistaken, and I am ashamed in front of my religion. I committed crimes, knowingly and unknowingly.
“Now I’m left with my conscience punishing me for what I did.
NEW YORK–Going to Iran, seeing the presidential campaign, and transitioning from being a tourist into being a supporter of the rights of Iranian voters was an evolution in knowledge and feelings.
I was upset when the Taliban blew up the giant Buddhas in Afghanistan--I’m not religious, but I’m an artist and I care about history. Then, the US military invaded Iraq, and their national museum was looted. I thought, “What could happen next? Israel has been threatening to bomb Iran for a while. Which places and things of artistic and historical importance could be at risk?”
Photos of extremely beautiful Iranian mosques and palaces beckoned on Flickr. “Cyrus created the first human rights document,” announced a caption to a photo of his tomb on Flickr. I stumbled upon Hichkas’ “Bunch of Soldiers” music video on Youtube–and feared triggering a Dept. of Homeland Security file, so scary and nationalistic it was on first viewing. But after finding a version with English subtitles, I realized that Hichkas’ lyrics showed insight and compassion, and he was advocating strength in defense–not adventurism. The music drew me in with a compelling combination of rap and traditional Iranian instruments. The shots of Azadi Tower were stunning. Tehran seemed so exciting–I had to see it in person!
Fear crept back onto me when further internet searches uncovered videos of Iranian women being arrested for revealing too much hair, prison guards whipping inmates, and executions by stoning. I realized there were internal and external dangers, but I still wanted to visit Iran.
After warily reading the Iranian Constitution and penal code, I persuaded my best friend to vacation in the Islamic Republic with me. I mentioned the upcoming Presidential election, and suggested that the run-up to it could be an exciting time to visit. And it was! In Iran, we were thrilled to see supporters joyfully and openly handing out presidential campaign literature. We took photos of Mousavi, Karroubi, and Ahmadinejad election banners in Tehran, Shiraz, and Esfehan. Mousavi supporters repeatedly showed tremendous enthusiasm–and we even heard kind words for our own president, Barack Hussein Obama. His Norooz greeting had been well-received.
Although I was keenly aware of Sharia law, and felt an underlaying angst in Iran–at the same time I met such kind and charming people there and saw so much beauty, that I experienced unexpected culture shock upon returning home to New York City. I missed being around Iranians, and wondered where I could find some. I found them on the internet, and they showed me a side of Iran I hadn’t seen as a tourist, or even as a YouTube viewer. On June 13th, the day after the presidential election, someone told me that Sepah had staged a coup d’etat in Iran. Having no idea what Sepah was, I struggled to comprehend the complicated system of Iranian politics, militias, religion, and civil rights. Within a week of the election, I attended a rally at Manhattan’s Union Square in support of voters in Iran.
I brought a Mousavi poster with me. An Iranian journalism student asked to photograph me posing with the poster–from the front, with my full face showing. I declined with the sinking feeling that such a photograph could cause real problems for me if I ever returned to Iran.
President Obama hasn’t specified a significant difference between Mousavi and Ahmadinejad regarding the nuclear issue. I felt certain there were considerable differences on other issues, however. Mousavi had set a precedent by campaigning with his wife, and he received strong support from women seeking more freedom. Hardliner Ahmadinejad cracked down on women during his first Presidential term, and he was closely aligned with the Basij.
Astonishing graphic documentation of injuries, wounds, and murder flooded the internet. Horrifying and upsetting, the videos were also morally compelling and intimately human. People tried to rescue and treat the fallen, they cried, they screamed, putting their bloody hands in the air--seeking witnesses to the violence.
Next came thousands of arrests, documented prison torture and rape, and script-like “confessions” at Revolutionary Court show trials. In the midst of this I attended Iranian rallies, hunger strikes, teach-ins, panel discussions, and art exhibitions. Before the election, people in the Islamic Republic of Iran were full of energy, life, and hope. Many Iranians there, here in New York, and all over the world, still are. So, I resist reconciling memories of my wonderful vacation in Iran with the raw severity of the crackdown going on there now! I believe that cruelty carries the seeds of its own destruction. And I tremendously admire the brave Iranians who, undaunted, and in their own ways, support democracy, freedom of speech, and human rights.
I asked a friend in Tehran whether earlier Twitter reports of militia using axes on protesters were true. This morning he told me that, "Axes and big swords called Ghameh are weapons that Tehran gangs and downtown boys are using in the streets...and there is a rumor that Basij members are recruited from them...and if that is true, axes and Ghamehs will be normal to use against people."
Names of Iranians killed by Basiji and other forces, since the June 12th election, were read aloud last night at a rally in Union Square in Manhattan. Before reading them, a speaker mentioned the military coup that occurred in Honduras within the last few days. Drawing parallels in terms of the suppression of freedom in Iran and Honduras, the speaker showed solidarity with people suffering human rights violations in both countries by asking everyone to say the Spanish word, "Presente," after each Iranian name. In this context, "Presente" was meant as something to warn or remind.
Basiji controlled the counting of the ballots, and Basiji are Ahmadinejad supporters. They wouldn't let anyone from the opposing candidates monitor the counting of the votes, and Iran does not allow International monitors. There were also voting places that ran out of ballots long before many people waiting to vote had cast their vote. And Ahmadinejad was declared a winner when 20% of the ballots had still been uncounted.
Sepah is in the streets. And it is dangerous to demonstrate and protest.
Today the IRI government is blocking Facebook to internet users in Iran again.
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